Authorities at Hong Kong airport on Tuesday suspended all departure check-ins after pro-democracy protesters blocked the facility for a second day.
But according to the AFP, some flights were still arriving and taking off.
“Terminal operations at Hong Kong International Airport have been seriously disrupted as a result of the public assembly,” the airport authority said in a statement.
“All check-in service for departure flights has been suspended since 1630hrs (0930 GMT). Other departure and arrival flights for the rest of the day will continue to operate, and airlines will provide arrangements for passengers who have not completed the departure process.”
“Members of the public are advised not to come to the airport.”
The Hongmeng operating system (OS), also known as Harmony OS, was unveiled last week. Huawei Consumer CEO, Richard Yu, claims that Harmony is “completely different” than Apple and Android’s operating systems.
Yu said that consumers are expecting a “holistic intelligent experience across all devices,” and promises that that Harmony OS will live up to the expectations. He explained at the Huawei Developers Conference:
The new microkernel-based, distributed operating system is designed to deliver a “smooth experience,” providing developers with the ability to design their apps once, and “then flexibly deploy it across a range of different devices.”
Seamless, Secure, Smooth and Unified
According to Huawei, the operating system has four distinct technical features.
Yu promises that app developers won’t have to deal with underlying technology when distributing apps with Harmony OS. This will allow developers to focus on their own individual service logic.
As for a ‘smooth experience,’ Huawei confirmed that resources will gravitate towards tasks with high priorities, which in turn will reduce the response latency of apps by approximately 25%.
In addition, Harmony OS will feature enhanced security as the microkernel was designed to simplify kernel functions and implement as many services as possible in the use mode outside the kernel.
Lastly, Harmony OS will be able to adapt to different screen layout controls and interactions automatically. Huawei explains:
The HUAWEI ARK Compiler is the first static compiler that can perform on par with Android’s virtual machine, enabling developers to compile a broad range of advanced languages into machine code in a single, unified environment.
The future of Huawei’s Harmony OS
Huawei plans to scale Harmony to smartwatches, smart cars and smart speakers as well, although it could take up to three years before we see the feature in cars.
The first version of the operating system will be released with Huawei’s Honor later this year. The company didn’t mention specific phone models in the press release, and simply concluded with:
“We believe HarmonyOS will revitalize the industry and enrich the ecosystem. Our goal is to bring people a truly engaging and diverse experience. We want to invite developers from around the world to join us as we build out this new ecosystem. Together, we will deliver an intelligent experience for consumers in all scenarios.”
THE Zimbabwe Energy Regulatory Authority has defended its decision to award a solar producing licence to controversial former Eskom chief executive officer Matshela Koko.
Zera acting chief executive officer Eddington Mazambani told Parliament’s Energy and Power Development Portfolio Committee that the energy regulator undertook a due diligence procedure on Koko’s company adding his company has the financial ability to deliver.
“Due diligence was done in issuing the licence to Koko. He has capacity to deliver and is not a listed or convicted person. The applicant has the financial ability to deliver and produce the 100 MW of electricity.
“His technology or plant comes with ability to store power. Matshela ticked all boxes,” said Mazambani.
Mazambani castigated social media and other local newspapers for what he called false impression on Koko.
“We cannot do business based on newspapers and social media,” Mzambani added.
Last month, government announced Koko had been awarded a licence to establish a 100MW solar power plant in Gwanda, Matebeleland South.
In a notice dated July 17, 2019, Zera announced Koko, through his company Matshela Energy (Private) Limited, had been granted a licence to “construct, own, operate and maintain the 100 megawatt solar plant called Matshela Energy – Gwanda Timber Farm Solar Power Plant… for the purposes of generation and supply of electricity.”
Zimbabwe is experiencing severe power outages lasting up to 18 hours daily owing to depressed generation from hydro-powered Kariba Power Station and failing infrastructure at its other coal-powered power stations in Hwange.
Matshela left Eskom in a cloud of controversy after he was linked to irregular coal-supply deals awarded to companies linked to the Gupta brothers, the Indian businessmen at the centre of an influence-peddling scandal.
Zimbabwe has a power deficit of over 1500MW and has had to plead with South Africa to unlock fresh supplies on very stringent conditions.
Zesa is already having problems getting controversial businessman Wicknell Chivayo to deliver on a similar contract.
Ethiopia has survived several dark epochs in its long history. One of them is known as Zemene Mesafint – the era of princes. This period, between the mid-18th and mid-19th century, got its name from the Bible because it mimics the biblical “period of judges” in Israel’s history.
Joshua, who guided Israel in the last and critical part of their journey of liberation and helped them to settle in the promised land, had just passed away. Upon his death, the central point in Jewish life started to dissipate. The nation splintered into 12 tribes; a vicious cycle of violence and lawlessness followed.
In the same way, Zemene Mesafint was a treacherous time in Ethiopia. Its union was seriously threatened by power-hungry regional warlords. The nation’s political and institutional architecture was tested as the real power deserted the central government and lay instead with regional leaders.
In the pre-Zemene Mesafint period, monarchs were the symbols of the union. They were supreme judges, responsible for settling political squabbles. Then, there was the church to provide theological justification for the union.
Scholars believe that heightened regionalism during Zemene Mesafint brought Ethiopia to the brink of disintegration. But there are two reasons this may not be the case. First, there is no definitive evidence that the princes or warlords were seeking regional autonomy. Their intentions could be interpreted instead as a way of consolidating their regional power bases with a view to stepping towards the centre.
Second, another powerful non-state actor was in favour of unity at the time: the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. It was a powerful unitary machine whose major aim was advancing its message beyond one region. The Church had a lot to lose from disintegration. It also had a history of unseating leaders who tried to stand in its way.
So religion provided a theologically informed political tool – a national myth of a social covenant – to abate the looming danger. Ordinary citizens used this notion to invent their own version of volksgiest; a way of life. Their principal concern was negotiating their space with ethnic and religious others. Ultimately, the social tool that religious intellectuals deployed to avoid existential crisis became an opportunity that could help to reconfigure the Ethiopian union.
But it proved to be a missed opportunity. The leaders chose coercion, not conviction, as a means of unifying. Its ripples are still seen in Ethiopia today: grievance, entrenchment and revenge are swiftly becoming the new normal. Politicians, activists and media outlets continue to deconstruct old narratives and perpetuate new grievances. Nobody, however, is as busy reconstructing a new, inclusive story.
A new myth
The last three decades in Ethiopia have been a search for a new myth. The ethno-federalist system had legitimate logic: bringing about the dignity of (cultural and linguistic) difference between nations and nationalities. However, its rhetoric was drawn from the difficult past instead of the hope of better future. To make matters worse, it became a breeding ground for social and economic injustice.
In the absence of farsighted political elites who may have been able to craft a new inclusive myth out of the stories of nations and nationalities, ethnic groups had to walk back to find their stories in their own small compartments. This exacerbated narrow ethnic histories and ideals.
He did not come up with a new economic programme; nor did he bring a fresh political road map. Instead he emerged telling a new story with the potential to become a new myth. He branded it “medemer” – togetherness. However raw and under-explored, his story was a breath of fresh air. Hope was palpable on the air.
But now it feels as if that were a century ago. The notion of “medemer” needed well-intentioned scholars to play the role of midwife and an unwavering commitment from the Prime Minister himself to nurture this philosophy and to reinforce it with action. This has not happened. And so, a rather hopeful concept which could have become a unifying legend seems to have failed.
A new unionism?
As time passed, the philosophy of “medemer” became a means of pledging support to the Prime Minister.
Even more worrying, it became an all-purpose tool to build a personality cult around the man who gave birth to it. The Prime Minister did not protest this. He did not take an intentional step to detach himself so the philosophy could have a life of its own. Ethiopian intellectuals – who may have been able to guard against exactly this – seem either too entrenched in enthno-nationalist thinking themselves or too politically opportunist to take a critical distance from Abiy.
Ethiopia is now a secular state. No religious group has the sort of legitimacy the Ethiopian Orthodox Church once did to reconfigure the country’s social contract.
How could this situation be turned around?
The answer, I believe, lies with ordinary Ethiopians rebuilding the idea of unionism, whose spirit is far from dead. Instead, it has retreated to the humble corners of the society. It is timidly murmured in prayer rooms, discussed at kitchen tables, embedded in songs that yearn for better days and concealed in sublime art forms. An example is a recent poem by Ethiopian actress and poet Alemtsehay Wedajo:
The brave knows how to forgive,
The hero knows the value of love
The wisest sees mountain’s range,
The weakest, however, would revenge.
The masses – the silent majority – crave forgiveness and peaceful coexistence. They have nothing to gain from conflict and disintegration. No normal ordinary person, regardless of ethnic belonging, is enthusiastic about the uncertainty of possible balkanisation. In Ethiopia, it’s time for a new unionism to find a reliable agency.